Peer Reviewed Journal Article Divorce Children 2010 and Older

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The Consequence of Parental Divorce on the Health of Developed Children ^one

Jason R. Thomas

Section of Sociology and Criminology, 211 Oswald Tower, Penn State Academy, Country College, PA, 16802

Robin S. Högnäs

Department of Sociology, University of Louisville

Abstract

Decades of inquiry have produced evidence that parental divorce is negatively associated with offspring outcomes from early on childhood, through adolescence, and into the adult years. This study adds to the literature on the effects of parental divorce by examining how the timing of a parental divorce influences the full result on adult health. Furthermore, we wait at how this long-term event of parental divorce depends on mediators such every bit the family'due south socioeconomic condition, parental involvement, cognitive test scores, behavioural problems, smoking, and the offspring's own experience with divorce. The analyses use data from the National Child Development Study, which includes 9 waves of data start at nativity in 1958 and standing through historic period 50. Results from a structural equation model propose that a parental divorce experienced earlier age 7 does influence developed wellness past operating primarily through family unit socioeconomic status and smoking in adulthood.

Keywords: parental divorce, health, life course

Introduction

There are numerous not-clinical determinants of developed health ranging from behaviours, such every bit smoking, diet and exercise, to social and economic resources that are associated with and alert people to later on potential health problems, larn quality treatment for illnesses and avoid the stressors and toxic environments associated with the onset of wellness problems. In recent years, increasing attending has focused on early on weather and how they shape the life course trajectories leading towards developed wellness and bloodshed. While some accept pointed to the role of physical health in early life (Almond & Currie, 2011), others have highlighted the early developmental difficulties with cognitive and social skills (Conti & Heckman, 2010). Much progress has been made on this front, as exemplified by the growing body of enquiry looking at the effects of parental divorce (Troxel &Matthews, 2004), an experience associated with a wide range of outcomes indicative of the kid'southward well-being (Amato, 2010). However, questions still remain near the importance of when the parental divorce occurs, as well every bit the pathways through which parental divorce operates to influence the individual'south health in adulthood.

To engagement, the literature on the negative furnishings of parental divorce on adult health has provided prove concerning mortality (Hayward & Gorman, 2004; Martin, Friedman, Clark, & Tucker, 2005; Preston, Hill, & Drevenstedt, 1998; Schwartz et al., 1995; Larson & Halfon, 2013), cancer (Hemminki & Chen, 2006), and the number of health problems experienced past respondents (Maier & Lachman, 2000). Although Schwartz et al. (1995) find an result of parental divorce on the risk of mortality, the generalizability of this result is in question because the information come from a prospective study of children in California recruited for their high cognitive power. It is besides worth noting the evidence of a negative association between parental divorce and the emotional and mental health of the children when they reach machismo (Chase-Lansdale, Cherlin & Kiernan, 1995; Cherlin, Chase-Lansdale & McRae 1998).

Nosotros build on this previous work by addressing two issues that have nevertheless to be tackled by this growing literature. Kickoff, previous work has failed to examine whether the timing of parental divorce influences the effect on the kid'south adult wellness. Many aspects of kid development reflect a cumulative procedure where early advantage leads to greater levels of advantage at older ages (Cunha & Heckman, 2008; Heckman, 2007). Insults (or investments) experienced at a young age may be particularly influential, relative to like exposures at older ages, if they lower the rate of developmental growth. The gap between two trajectories, one growing at a slower rate due to a developmental insult, volition increase with historic period, and the difference will exist larger if the exposure occurs before in life (Lansford et al., 2006). To the extent that developmental outcomes affect developed health, the timing of influential events will assist decide the size of wellness disparities later on in life. Furthermore, developmental outcomes are more vulnerable at some ages than others (Hetherington, Stanley-Hagan, & Anderson, 1989; Lansford et al., 2006; Woodward, Fergusson, & Belsky, 2000). Information technology follows that the pathways connecting parental divorce to adult health may vary depending on when the result occurs and which developmental outcomes are the virtually vulnerable. This heterogeneity in the accumulation of disadvantage and in the types of vulnerability to parental divorce suggest differences in the long-term effects of parental divorce associated with the age at which the family unit disruption occurred. We begin to fill up this gap by focusing on three different age intervals (from nascency to age seven, age seven to 11, and age xi to sixteen), and separately assessing the total consequence of a parental divorce during each interval on the child'south adult health.

Previous studies take considered variables that mediate the relationship between parental divorce and adult wellness, just do so by sequentially including mediators into a series of regression models. Our contribution moves beyond this arroyo, specifying a structural equation model that identifies the pathways through which parental divorce influences affects adult health. The list of mediating variables includes family socioeconomic condition, parental involvement, cognitive test scores, behavioural problems, smoking, and divorce. Finally, we decompose the total effect into the contributions of each mediator to show that parental divorce primarily operates through the family'due south socioeconomic status and the child'southward smoking behaviour to generate adverse health outcomes.

Background

The crude divorce rate in U.k. began to climb around 1960 and connected to increase before leveling off in the early 1980s in Scotland, and in the mid-1990s in England and Wales. The rough divorce charge per unit then fluctuated before failing in recent years in each of the countries (National Records of Scotland http://world wide web.gro-scotland.gov.uk/statistic; Role for National Statistics 2013). Fifty-fifty with the recent refuse, a large fraction of children are exposed to the dissolution of parental relationships and the associated risks for negative outcomes. While parental divorce is not direct tied to adult physical health, numerous mediators create a connectedness.

Socioeconomic condition (Banks, Marmot, Oldfield, & Smith, 2006; Elo, 2009; Meara, Richards, & Cutler, 2008), health behaviours (Cutler & Lleras-Muney, 2010; Pampel, Krueger, & Demney, 2010), and social support (Cutrona, 1996; Firm, Landis, & Umberson, 1988) all predict adult wellness outcomes and are associated with parental divorce. Individuals with greater education, wealth, and occupational status tend to be healthier than those with fewer socioeconomic resources (Elo, 2009). Research suggests that socioeconomic attainment depends, at least in role, on the early development of cognitive and non-cognitive skills (Conti & Heckman, 2010; Currie & Almond, 2005; Goodman, Joyce, & Smith, 2011). Moreover, the acquisition of cognitive and non-cognitive skills tends to exist hampered by parental divorce (Forehand, Neighbors, Devine, & Armistead, 1994; Kurdek, Fine, & Sinclair, 1994; Potter, 2010; Tillman, 2007), and the associated decrease in economical resources is one of the primary explanations accounting for this result (Carlson & Corcoran, 2001; McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994; Thomson, Hanson, & McLanahan; 1994).

The dependence of early on skill acquisition on parental divorce also rests upon noneconomic mechanisms. For example, the level and quality of parental involvement in a child'south life, particularly with respect to schooling, also facilitates bookish performance (Izzo, Weissberg, Kasprow, & Fendrich, 1999; Miedel & Reynolds, 2003), a mutual indicator of early on skills. Parental divorce tends to reduce the amount of contact the child has with their noncustodial parents (Kelly, 2007; Mclanahan & Sandefur, 1994, Tach, Mincy, & Edin, 2010). ^one Previous piece of work also suggests that some children suffer psychologically and/or emotionally as a result of their parents' divorce and, consequently, the child'due south bookish achievement suffers likewise (Forehand, Neighbors, Devine, & Armistead, 1994; Kurdek, Fine, & Sinclair, 1994; Potter, 2010; Tillman, 2007).

In addition to socioeconomic pathways leading to adult health, parental divorce may operate to indirectly influence through health behaviours, particularly smoking. Furstenberg and Kiernan (2001) analyze the same information used here and demonstrate that parental divorce is associated with higher odds of smoking at age 33. As previously discussed, ane of the mechanisms at work relies on socioeconomic condition and the elevated risk of smoking associated with lower status (Cutler & Lleras-Muney, 2010; Pampel, Krueger, & Demney, 2010). However, Furstenberg and Kiernan (2001) still detect an clan later on conditioning on measures of the child'south cognitive ability, behavioral problems, and family unit socioeconomic status. This result is also consistent with earlier work by Wolfinger (1998), who concludes that less social command, lower socioeconomic condition, and psychological problems associated with a parental divorce do non business relationship for the observed human relationship between parental divorce and smoking. While genetic factors or self-medicating delayed onset of psychological bug may exist playing a role (Troxel & Matthews, 2004), more work is needed to understand this particular pathway.

Finally, we turn to pathways involving social back up, particularly as it is manifested through the kid's ain feel with divorce. Parents play an important role in shaping the next generation more generally via the modeling of family norms, roles, and relationships observed during babyhood and beyond (Hairdresser, 2001; Baumrind, 1986; Bengston, 1975). For example, those who experience their parents' divorce will exist more than likely to later divorce themselves (McLanahan & Bumpass, 1988) in function because they are socialized to have a lower commitment to the establishment of marriage (Amato & DeBoer 2001). Information technology is also the case that offspring of divorced parents are more probable themselves to have lower socioeconomic condition, which is strongly associated with both the gamble of divorce and poor wellness (Adams, Hurd, McFadden, Merrill, & Riberio, 2003; Albouy & Lequien, 2009; Amato, 2010). Moreover, divorce has been constitute to be directly associated with declines in health both men and women report lower self-assessed health following divorce compared to those who remain married (Williams & Umberson 2004). In summary, the intergenerational manual of divorce is another potential pathway through which a parental divorce tin indirectly influence the adult wellness of the offspring.

While we model the pathways described to a higher place, at that place are additional mediators that may play an of import office in generating a total effect of parental divorce on the child'due south adult health (for an excellent give-and-take of mediators associated with adult mental wellness encounter Maughan & McCarthy, 1997). For instance, declines in parenting quality associated with the parent'south adjustment to the divorce, stressful life changes (such every bit family transitions and moving), and inter-parental conflict (Amato, 1993) also link parental divorce to the kid well-being. At that place are besides many other sources of social support and types of health behaviours that we neglect. These omissions reflect the limitations in the information available to united states in the NCDS too as our desire to clarify a model that is not bereft of parsimony.

Before moving on to the analysis, it is of import to note how the problem of option may bias estimates of the total effect of parental divorce. Previous research has shown associations between indicators of the child'southward well-beingness measured both earlier and afterwards the parental divorce, and that conditioning on the lagged value of the effect significantly diminishes the negative effect of parental divorce (Amato, 2010; Cherlin et al., 1991). While it may be that pre-divorce conflict between the parents creates a stressful environment that leads to poorer outcomes for the kid, selection may be contributing to the observed associations. Information technology will exist shown that nosotros but find convincing evidence of an effect on developed wellness amidst those who experience a parental divorce past age 7. The only antecedent variables that are available are observed at the birth of the kid, leaving usa with no information to assess the function of selection. ⁱⁱⁱ

Enquiry Questions, Data, and Methods

We are interested in how parental divorce relies on mediating variables (described above) to produce a total effect on adult children's health. Our analysis begins by focusing on the timing of the parental divorce and estimating the full effect on the child's adult health for each of the post-obit age intervals when the parental divorce occurred: nativity to age 7; age seven to age 11, and age xi to age xvi. These historic period intervals are based on the available information rather than important stages of child development. Nosotros then assess how mediating variables account for the full issue of parental divorce. The mediators explored here include the family'due south economic resource, parental investment, cognitive skills, emotional and psychological problems, health behaviours, and the intergenerational transmission of divorce. We only find convincing evidence for an outcome of parental divorce that occurs earlier age 7, thus our analysis of mediating variables is restricted to this group.

To examine the total outcome of parental divorce on adult children's wellness, we use data from the 1958 National Kid Development Written report (NCDS), a prospective longitudinal study of nearly all (98%) children born in the week of March iii–nine, 1958 in England, Scotland, and Wales. Follow-up waves were collected at ages 7, 11, 16, 23, 33, 42, 46, and 50. See Power and Elliott (2006) and Ferri (1993) for detailed descriptions of the NCDS. From the baseline sample (Due north = 17,415), we select an analytic sample using the following criteria: (1) biological children of couples married at birth (N = sixteen,662); (2) the cohort member did not experience a parental death or become adopted by historic period 16 (Due north = 15,767); and (3) the cohort member was not known to have died (N = xiv,637). ² Thus, the seven,511 males and vii,126 females included in our analyses constitute 84% of the original birth cohort sample. Nosotros assume the incomplete data in our analytic sample are missing at random and multiply impute the missing information. ⁴

In an endeavor to be consistent with prior research, while also reducing the limitations of any unmarried wellness mensurate, nosotros examine three different health outcomes at age 50. First, we use self-rated health which we treat as an ordered categorical variable with three outcomes: 1=excellent; 2=very good/good; and 3=off-white/poor. The categories of off-white and poor health are complanate to obtain a group size large plenty for calculating reliable estimates. Although self-rated wellness is a commonly used measure, it is non without limitations. Thus, we include two additional health measures: (one) adult children's number of wellness problems ⁵ , which nosotros besides treat as an ordered categorical variable with three outcomes: ane=no reported health problems; 2=one or two health issues; and three=three or more health problems. Finally, our third measure of adult children's health at age 50 is the concrete functioning scale drawn from the 36-Item Curt Class Survey (Ware, Snowfall, Kosinski, & Gandek, 1993). ^vi The skewed distribution of this variable led us to recode it equally a dichotomous indicator where a value of one indicates one standard deviation beneath the gender-specific mean of the observed cohort members.

Father's social course, observed at the outset of the age interval when the parental divorce takes place, is an exogenous variable included in our models to adjust for a possible spurious association between parental divorce and adult health (Alwin & Hauser, 1975). Father'south social class is measured using the Registrar-General's Social Class schema and is treated equally an ordinal measure where higher values indicate higher condition: (1) unskilled manual, unemployed, or no male head of household; (2) partly skilled manual; (iii) skilled manual; (4) skilled non-manual; (5) managerial and technical; and (6) professional. Unemployed fathers are included with the lowest value for social course (i.due east., 1 – unskilled manual or unemployed).

Recall that our assay of the pathways predicting developed health is restricted to those experiencing a parental divorce by age 7. Our mediators include three measures of family's socioeconomic condition (SES) at age 7 following parental divorce. Offset, we use the social grade of the male head of the household. If there is no male head of household, as is more common afterwards a parental divorce, or if the caput is unemployed, we assign the lowest value for social form (i.east., 1=unskilled transmission, unemployed, or no male head of household). Next, we include an ordered categorical measure for crowding in participant's home: up to 1 person per room=1; between 1 and 1.5 persons per room=ii; and over 1.five persons per room=3. Finally, our analysis includes a dummy indicator for the family experiencing financial difficulties, equally reported by the interviewer who visited the participant'southward habitation at age 7.

Additional mediators include the post-obit measures of parental involvement observed at age 7: does the mother (or father) read to the child (0=hardly e'er; one=occasionally; two=every week); does the mother (or father) take the child out – east.g., for walks, outings, picnics, visits, shopping (0=inappreciably ever; 1=occasionally; 2=most weeks); and maternal reports of the father'south part in the management of the child (0=primarily left to the mother; i=significant role, but less than the mother; 2=equal to the mother). For the first two variables, reading to the child and taking the kid out, we sum the values for the female parent and father to produce a composite score. If the mother (father) did not alive in the household, the question refers to the "permanent mother substitute" ("male head of household"). For families where there is either no female parent or no father figure, a aught is assigned for that parent figure. With respect to our third measure of parental involvement, if at that place is no mother effigy in the household, the begetter'south role in managing the child is assigned a value of 3, the highest level of involvement.

The total upshot of parental divorce may also be mediated past the kid'due south cognitive and emotional development observed at historic period 11. Cognitive evolution is measured using the boilerplate of standardized test scores for reading comprehension, math, and general tests on exact and non-exact skills. Emotional development is measured using the Bristol Social Aligning Guide (BSAG), a count of the number of behaviours and attitudes indicative of social maladjustment, unsettledness, and emotional problems as identified and reported by participants' teachers (Stott, 1969). The influential work of Ghodsian (1977) has led many researchers to utilise two underlying factors, internalizing and externalizing problems, in their analysis. Nosotros, however, are interested in the full contribution of the social and emotional problems captured by the BSAG measure and, thus, follow the suggestion of Stott (1963) by creating an ordered, categorical measure: 1 – a score of 0–9 (stable); 2 – a score of 10–19 (unsettled); and 3 – a score of xx or more than (maladjusted). Our concluding two mediators consist of a dummy indicator for whether or not the participant experienced their own divorce by age 50; and a chiselled variable constructed by summing the number of times the participant reported beingness a current smoker at ages 23, 33, 42, 46, and 50 (ranging from 0 to vi). Finally, we include a dummy indicator of parental smoking when the accomplice member is xvi years former, which is used as a predictor of participants' smoking behaviour.

We begin past estimating the total effect of parental divorce on adult health using the model depicted in Figure ane. This model includes direct effects of both parental divorce and father's social grade on adult health at age 50, and a directly upshot of male parent's social course on parental divorce. For each of the three health outcomes at age 50, we estimate gender-specific versions of the model in Figure 1 for participants who feel a parental divorce betwixt nascency and age 7, betwixt age vii and age 11, and between age 11 and age 16. Participants whose parents were continuously married from birth to historic period 16 are in the reference group in each model.

Path model for the full effect of a parental divorce on health at historic period l.

Effigy 2 presents the structural equation model for parental divorce by age 7 and the pathways leading to adult health. Our choice of mediating variables is motivated by previous inquiry described earlier, but we are patently restricted by the data available in the NCDS. The mediating variables included here are plausibly related to the consequent variables, and thus we prefer an exploratory approach to analyze the unique configuration of variable (and provisional associations) included in the model. More specifically, the model includes all of the straight furnishings of each variable on the subsequent variables, with the exception of father'south social class at nativity (an antecedent of parental divorce) and parental smoking (an exogenous variable). This specification undoubtedly will include pathways that are non statistically meaning, but protects against excluding those that are relevant to the total effect of parental divorce on the child'southward adult health.

Structural model of the pathways linking parental divorce to health at age 50.

Notes. Latent variables indicated with circles (see text for a description of the measurement model). Correlations betwixt variables measured during the aforementioned wave are included in the model (arrows left out to avoid clutter). With the exception of parental smoking at age 16, the model includes direct effects of each variable on subsequent variables observed at older ages (as indicated past the connexion to the bold path in the middle of the figure).

Our model includes two latent variables that represent the family'south SES and the amount of parental involvement at age 7. Family SES is measured using the social form of the male head of the household, crowding in the accomplice member's habitation, and the indicator of the family experiencing financial difficulties (all age 7). Parental involvement is measured by the following manifest variables: reading to the kid; taking the kid out; and the father's role in managing the child. Separate models are fitted to each of the 3 health outcomes at historic period 50, and the full furnishings are decomposed into the shares associated with each of the mediating variables. Parameter estimates are obtained from Thousandplus version 7.xi (Muthén & Muthén 2012) using weighted to the lowest degree squares with categorical outcomes modeled every bit latent variables with a probit specification. All models are estimated separately for men and women to let for gender differences in the effects of a parental divorce (Amato, 2001), likewise as for differences in smoking, health, and health assessment (Arber & Cooper, 2004; Macintyre, Hunt, & Sweeting; 1996; Peto et al., 2000).

Results

Descriptive statistics including the observed and imputed means and the percentage of missing information for each variable are presented in Table 1. Several variables are missing for more than twoscore per centum of the cases, and when pooling information beyond waves to describe smoking and divorce histories in machismo, the corporeality of missing information approaches 60%. Nosotros follow the communication of White, Royston, and Forest (2010) and impute sixty data sets to guard against the loss of power and to achieve an advisable level of reproducibility for our results. By comparison the means from the imputed information to those of the observed data, we see that cohort members who experienced a parental divorce are more than likely to accept missing data, specially during the youngest age interval.

Table 1

Means for observed and ten multiply imputed (MI) data sets. N = fourteen,637

	Observed Data		MI Mean
	Mean	% Missing
Male person (0 = no, one = yes)	0.513	0%	0.513
Parental divorce by age 7 (0–1)	0.036	33%	0.054
Parental divorce betwixt ages 7 & eleven (0–1)	0.022	33%	0.024
Parental divorce between ages eleven & 16 (0–1)	0.029	33%	0.034
Male person caput of households social class at birth (one – half dozen)	3.157	0%	iii.157
Male head of households social grade at age 7 (one – vi)	3.234	16%	3.243
Male head of households social form at age eleven (1 – 6)	iii.241	21%	three.217
Financial difficulties for family unit at age 7 (0–1)	0.073	23%	0.086
Measure of crowding in the household at age 7 (1 – 3)	i.562	18%	one.572
Female parent/begetter reads to the child at age 7 (0 – 4)	two.403	17%	2.402
Mother's report of male parent interest at age 7 (0–2)	1.470	15%	1.460
Mother/father accept kid out at historic period seven (0 – 2)	1.525	sixteen%	i.517
Test scores at age 11 (standardized)	0.034	19%	−0.003
Social maladjustment at age 11 (1 – 3)	1.448	19%	1.478
Parents smoke when child is historic period 16 (0–one)	0.730	34%	0.736
Cohort member smokes in adulthood (0 – six)	0.962	57%	1.123
Cohort member divorces past age 50 (0–i)	0.393	46%	0.468
Self-rated wellness at age fifty (1 – 3)	2.037	43%	two.102
Number of health problems at age 50 (1 – 3)	1.558	43%	1.558
Low physical functioning at historic period l (0–1)	0.117	48%	0.151

Similarly, less desirable outcomes (e.k., financial difficulties, low cerebral examination scores, exhibiting behavioural problems) are too associated with missingness. Overall, yet, the ways from the imputed data are similar to those from the observed data.

Results: Full Event of Parental Divorce

Estimates of the total effect of parental divorce on adult health are presented in Tabular array two. Moving across the columns, from left to right, we run across gender-specific results for those who experienced a parental divorce by age seven, between ages 7 and 11, and between ages 11 and 16. Results from our models predicting cocky-rated wellness at age 50 are presented in the first iv rows. For each historic period interval, higher levels of social class are associated lower chances of reporting poor wellness for both males and females. Conversely, parental divorce is positively associated with worse health, but the estimates are significantly unlike from nada only for males and females during the youngest age interval, equally well every bit a marginally meaning finding for females between the ages of eleven and sixteen. The indices of model fit suggest a close replication of the observed covariance matrix, which is the case for all of the models in Table 2. Another finding that holds beyond all of the models in the table is that begetter's social form has a negative effect on parental divorce (results not shown). Turning to the middle panel in Table ii, we meet that parental divorce is positively associated with the number of health problems reported at age fifty, but the estimates are not statistically pregnant. At that place are, however, statistically significant and positive effects of parental divorce experienced past age vii on low physical functioning (encounter the bottom panel of Table 2). ⁷

Tabular array 2

Total effects of parental divorce, conditional on father's social class, estimated from gender-specific structural equation models of three health outcomes at age 50: cocky-rated health (SRH), # of wellness problems (NHP), and a mensurate of depression physical functioning (PHF) – higher values for the dependent variable indicate worse health.

SRH	Parental Divorce between ages 0 and 7		Parental Divorce between ages 7 and 11		Parental Divorce betwixt ages 11 and sixteen
	Males	Females	Males	Females	Males	Females
Begetter's Social
Form	−0.208***	−0.241***	−0.202***	−0.251***	−0.207***	−0.263***
Parental divorce	0.139**	0.103**	0.056	0.043	0.025	0.088*
CFI/TLI	ane.00/1.00	i.00/1.00	1.00/1.00	1.00/one.00	ane.00/1.00	1.00/i.00
RMSEA	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00
NHP	Males	Females	Males	Females	Males	Females
Father's Social
Class	−0.050*	−0.104***	−0.044	−0.112***	−0.031	−0.089***
Parental divorce	0.076	0.076	0.058	0.045	0.003	0.052
CFI/TLI	ane.00/1.00	1.00/1.00	1.00/1.00	1.00/ane.00	1.00/1.00	1.00/one.00
RMSEA	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00
PHF	Males	Females	Males	Females	Males	Females
Father's Social
Class	−0.238***	−0.227***	−0.272***	−0.277***	−0.256***	−0.260***
Parental divorce	0.147**	0.150**	0.103	0.093	0.002	0.058
CFI/TLI	1.00/ane.00	one.00/1.00	ane.00/1.00	1.00/1.00	1.00/1.00	1.00/i.00
RMSEA	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00
Smallest North	7,024	vi,611	6,756	vi,458	six,860	half-dozen,515

Results: Mediators of the effect of Parental Divorce on the Kid'southward Adult Health

We now plow to the structural model in Figure 2 and the relative importance of different pathways stemming from a parental divorce that occurs past historic period 7. Estimates from the latent variable model for self-rated health are presented in Tables 3 and ​ 4 for males and females, respectively. Table 5 contains the respective estimates from the measurement model for both males and females. Most of the results are similar across the models for the three dissimilar wellness outcomes, thus we only present the results for cocky-rated health. Later, nosotros present a decomposition of the full consequence of parental divorce on each of the three health outcomes at age 50.

Tabular array 3

Estimates from the latent variable model for the effects of a parental divorce by age 7 on self-rated health at age l for males.

	Family SES historic period seven	Parental Interest age 7	Noesis age 11	Outcomes Behavioral problems historic period xi	Smoking Adulthood	Divorce by age 50	Cocky-rated health age fifty
Father'southward SC at nascency	0.674*** (0.026)	0.112*** (0.018)
Parental divorce by historic period 7	−0.352*** (0.021)	−0.481*** (0.053)	0.002 (0.034)	0.147** (0.055)	0.240*** (0.063)	0.156* (0.080)	0.034 (0.069)
Family SES age 7			0.337*** (0.017)	−0.206*** (0.021)	−0.007 (0.026)	−0.091*** (0.026)	−0.069** (0.023)
Parental involvement age 7			0.032 (0.028)	0.017 (0.043)	0.066 (0.051)	0.034 (0.052)	−0.008 (0.046)
Knowledge historic period 11					−0.113*** (0.027)	−0.086** (0.032)	−0.111*** (0.026)
Behavioral problems age 11					0.121*** (0.026)	0.050 (0.033)	0.078** (0.027)
Smoking in adulthood							0.229*** (0.024)
Parental Smoking					0.215*** (0.033)
Divorce by age fifty							0.006 (0.026)

Table 4

Estimates from the latent variable model for the furnishings of a parental divorce by age seven on self-rated wellness at age 50 for females.

	Family SES age vii	Parental Involvement age 7	Cognition age 11	Outcomes Behavioral problems age eleven	Smoking Adulthood	Divorce by age l	Self-rated wellness historic period 50
Begetter'south SC at birth	0.654*** (0.022)	0.062*** (0.014)
Parental divorce past age 7	−0.407*** (0.046)	−0.372*** (0.038)	−0.017 (0.040)	0.157** (0.069)	0.208*** (0.067)	0.161** (0.081)	0.004 (0.067)
Family unit SES age seven			0.359*** (0.017)	−0.203*** (0.023)	−0.114*** (0.027)	−0.072** (0.028)	−0.097*** (0.023)
Parental involvement age 7			−0.013 (0.047)	0.012 (0.079)	0.129 (0.082)	0.095 (0.085)	−0.003 (0.077)
Cognition age eleven					−0.062** (0.028)	−0.077** (0.035)	−0.123*** (0.029)
Behavioral problems age xi					0.149*** (0.029)	0.086** (0.033)	0.078** (0.027)
Smoking in adulthood							0.201*** (0.023)
Parental Smoking					0.183*** (0.033)
Divorce by age 50							0.049* (0.027)

Table 5

Estimates from the measurement model for the effects of a parental divorce by age 7 on self-rated health at age l for males and females.

	Latent Variables
	Family unit SES at age vii		Parental involvement at historic period seven
	Males	Females	Males	Females
Father's social class measured at age 7	one.00	1.00
	--	--
Family has fiscal difficulty	−1.025*** (0.099)	−0.991*** (0.089)
Crowding in the household measured at historic period seven	−0.540*** (0.027)	−0.541*** (0.027)
Parents read to child measured at age seven			1.00	1.00
			--	--
Parents accept child out with them most weeks measured at age seven			2.204*** (0.358)	two.783*** (0.437)
Mother's report of father involvement measured at age 7			0.620*** (0.074)	0.897*** (0.109)

Before discussing the effects of parental divorce among males, shown in Table iii, we note that begetter'south social class has a negative and statistically meaning effect on parental divorce in all of our models (estimates not shown to salvage space). The results suggest that, net of father'southward social class at nativity, parental divorce is associated with lower levels of both family unit SES and parental involvement (measured later on the divorce). Provisional on family unit SES and parental interest, a parental divorce is non associated with lower cognitive examination scores at age 11, but it is predictive of more than behavioural problems at that historic period. Parental divorce besides has positive and statistically significant directly effects on smoking and divorce in adulthood. Finally, we see that the mediating variables account for practically all of the full issue. Family unit SES at age 7, cognition and behavioural issues at age 11, and smoking in machismo all exert statistically pregnant, direct effects on self-rated health and thus serve as of import mediators in extending the influence of parental divorce to health at age fifty.

The results for females (see Table 4) are generally like to those of males. Notable differences include a more important role of family unit SES in discouraging women to smoke, relative to men. Similarly, behavioural problems may exist more than influential on the risk of divorce for females compared to males, and divorce for women appears to have a stronger outcome on self-rate wellness than that of men. With respect to the measurement model (see Table 5), our results are very similar for females and males. We also notation that, amidst both females and males, the model provides a reasonable fit to the information (see model fit statistics at the bottom of Table 3 and ​ four). The values of the Tucker-Lewis Index (0.893 for women and 0.906 for men) reflect the penalty for model complexity, which is consistent with several of the estimated coefficients beingness marginally or insignificant in statistical terms. Given the exploratory nature of our model, however, nosotros go along with the implications of this model.

Decompositions of the total effect of parental divorce past age 7 on the three different health outcomes at age 50 are presented in Tables 6 and ​ 7 for males and females, respectively. The summit row of results in each table consists of the full effect of parental divorce, the indirect effects associated with each of the mediators, and, finally, the direct outcome of parental divorce on self-rated wellness at age 50. The next row contains the proportion of the total effect that is accounted for by the respective mediating variable in that column. Finally, in the third row of the tables, nosotros try to illustrate the substantive importance of the issue sizes by showing the change in the predicted probability of fair/poor health that is associated with each component. These changes are calculated by adding the effect size to the hateful of the latent variable, and reporting the associated change in the predicted probability. This calculation is a very crude approximation and should only serve as a rough guide in interpreting the results.

Table half-dozen

Total, direct, and indirect effects of parental divorce by age 7 on iii health outcomes at historic period 50 for males: self-rated health (SRH), # of wellness problems (NHP), and physical operation (PHF) – higher values for the dependent variable betoken worse health.

Dependent variable	Total effect of parental divorce	Indirect effects of parental divorce by historic period 7						Directly effect of parental divorce
		Parental involvement	Family SES	Cognitive test scores	Emotional problems	Smoking in machismo	Divorce by age 50
Self-rated health	0.151**	−0.003	0.049***	0.000	0.015**	0.055***	0.001	0.034
% of total event	100%	−2%	32%	0%	ten%	36%	ane%	23%
Expected alter in predicted probability of fair/poor health	0.043	−0.001	0.013	0.000	0.004	0.015	0.000	0.010
# of health problems	0.072	−0.010	0.011	0.001	0.012*	0.006	−0.001	0.055
% of total outcome	100%	−14%	15%	1%	17%	8%	−i%	76%
Expected alter in predicted probability of iii+ health problems	0.022	−0.003	0.003	0.000	0.003	0.002	0.000	0.017
Physical functioning	0.166**	−0.018	0.074***	−0.001	0.019**	0.031**	0.001	0.059
% of total effect	100%	−11%	45%	−1%	11%	19%	1%	35%
Expected change in the predicted probability of low physical functioning a	0.036	−0.003	0.015	0.000	0.004	0.006	0.000	0.008

Table 7

Full, direct, and indirect effects of parental divorce by historic period 7 on three wellness outcomes at age 50 for females: cocky-rated wellness (SRH), # of health problems (NHP), and physical operation (PHF) – higher values for the dependent variable indicate worse health.

Dependent variable	Total outcome of parental divorce	Indirect effects of parental divorce by age 7						Directly consequence of parental divorce
		Parental interest	Family SES	Cerebral test scores	Emotional problems	Smoking in machismo	Divorce by age fifty
Self-rated health	0.142***	−0.012	0.080***	0.002	0.018**	0.042**	0.008	0.004
% of full result	100%	−8%	56%	one%	13%	30%	6%	3%
Expected change in predicted probability of off-white/poor health	0.041	−0.003	0.022	0.001	0.005	0.012	0.002	0.002
# of wellness problems	0.081	−0.010	0.035	0.000	0.012*	0.012**	0.007	0.024
% of total consequence	100%	−12%	43%	0%	15%	fifteen%	nine%	30%
Expected modify in predicted probability of iii+ health bug	0.026	−0.003	0.011	0.000	0.004	0.004	0.002	0.008
Physical functioning	0.190**	−0.030	0.091***	0.004	0.017*	0.022**	0.003	0.083
% of total effect	100%	−sixteen%	48%	2%	9%	12%	2%	44%
Expected alter in the predicted probability of low physical functioning a	0.046	−0.006	0.021	0.001	0.004	0.005	0.001	0.021

The findings suggest that, amid males, smoking in adulthood and family SES each account for over thirty% of the full result of parental divorce, corresponding to a 1 or ii percentage bespeak change in the probability of reporting fair/poor health. Nosotros find a like pattern amid females, but the decline in family SES associated with a parental divorce accounts for over one-half of the full effect of parental divorce and a ii percent point increase in reporting fair/poor health, while smoking in adulthood contributes an additional 30%, or roughly a i percentage point increase in reporting fair/poor health. Before moving on, nosotros wish to annotate briefly on the role of cognition. While it does non play on important function on its own, cognition is involved with some of the near powerful explanatory pathways running through family SES. In other words, pathways that include both family SES and cognition account for x% (males) and 15% (females) of the full issue of parental divorce.

Turning briefly now to the results for the number of health bug reported at age 50, found in the 4th row of results in Tables 6 and ​ vii, we are reminded that the total effect of parental divorce is not statistically significant. It may be worth noting that behavioural issues may provide some link between characteristics early on in life and subsequent health problems in adulthood, merely the results provide, at best, only very weak support for this claim. Finally, the lesser three rows of results in Tables vi and ​ vii correspond to the effects of parental divorce on low physical operation at historic period 50. The results suggest that, for both males and females, most half of the full consequence depends on the decline in family SES that occurs afterwards a parental divorce. Our rough approximation suggests that this change is associated with 1.5 percentage point increase in the probability of males being ane standard departure below the hateful score for males on the physical functioning calibration. The corresponding increase for females is roughly two percentage points. Over again, smoking and behavioural issues likewise account for a significant portion of the total effect, but the contributions are each less than twenty% of the total effect.

Give-and-take

The growing literature on the early origins of adult health is uncovering a broad array of conditions and experiences that can slant the life course trajectory towards less desirable outcomes later on in life. We add to this literature past providing evidence of a total effect of parental divorce on adult health, and by identifying the most important mediators that transmit the full effect. Among individuals in the 1958 NCDS, it is primarily the accomplice members who experience a parental divorce before age 7 that experience a long-lasting outcome on their adult health. The evidence suggests that a pass up in family unit SES experienced after a parental divorce is the about important alter in the early surround that perpetuates negative outcomes. Subsequent declines in the aggregating of cognitive skills aid complete the link to poorer health at age 50. This finding is consequent with the thought that SES allows parents to make investments via economic, social, and cultural capital, which have important returns for cognitive ability and, ultimately, adult health (Conti & Heckman, 2010; Farkas, 2003). Pathways stemming from a parental divorce and direct running through smoking in adulthood by and large make the 2nd largest contribution to the total consequence. Parental divorce too operates through behavioural problems to influence adult health, although the relative size of this contribution is smaller. These final two pathways are connected, suggesting that smoking may be a behavior adopted by children to deal with psychological and emotional stresses associated with a parental divorce (although, run into Wolfinger, 1998).

Nosotros conducted split up analyses for women and men, and found that the story was very similar. Ane notable exception is that the relative importance of smoking is much larger among males, relative to females, in our models of self-rated health. This difference is primarily due to the finding that family SES exerts a strong, negative event on the smoking behaviour of female person accomplice members in adulthood. Among men, yet, at that place is no direct link, thus family SES and smoking practise not piece of work in tandem to produce worse health at age 50, which is the case for females.

Despite the meager effect size supported by our analysis, further study of the role of parental divorce on adult health is warranted because our analysis may understate the importance of this early experience. A major limitation of our report is that the measures of parental divorce lack precise information on timing and the number of family transitions experienced. A reasonable hypothesis is that the negative effects of a parental divorce are exacerbated if the effect occurs during a critical flow of child development, most probable at a relatively early on age. The windows of time nosotros are looking through (i.e., earlier age 7, and between ages 7 and 16) are potentially also broad for u.s. to identify the most vulnerable or influential periods. Furthermore, experiencing multiple parental divorces or changes in family unit construction may besides strengthen the total outcome on the child'southward developed wellness (Fomby & Cherlin, 2007). That said, we were unable to appraise the problem of selection biases (Amato, 2010; Cherlin et al., 1991), and thus our estimates of the total effect of parental divorce may exist overstated.

As discussed earlier, our analysis besides suffers from the lack of data on potentially important mediators, such as parenting quality, interparental disharmonize, and the number of stressful life events associated with a parental divorce (Amato 1993). Furthermore, our measurement of parental interest could be improved past including additional types of investments made past parents, such every bit helping with school piece of work or hiring tutors. Neglecting some mediators and measuring others with insufficient data biases the cess of the relative contribution of the mediators. Futurity research should motion in this management and extend our assay of how parental divorce influences child health in machismo. Such efforts will exist useful for developing strategies to intervene and offset the negative consequences of early life stressors.

Finally, we return to our finding that the long-term issue of parental divorce on the child's adult health pertains only to those in the youngest age group. This result points to the conceptualization of child development as a cumulative process where early experiences with the disadvantages associated with parental divorce bend life course trajectories toward less desirable outcomes. More inquiry is demand to sympathize how parental divorce alters the developmental trajectories of children (e.g., Lansford et al., 2006), particularly with respect to long-term effects, such every bit adult health. A natural extension is to view adult wellness as a dynamic procedure, where both the intercept and gradient of health trajectories are functions of early on life experiences, such equally parental divorce. We believe this to be a useful mode forward for strengthening our understanding of the long-term effects of parental divorce.

Acknowledgments

Financial back up was as well provided past the National Found of Aging (5P30AG017266 and T32AG000129). We are grateful for the helpful comments of Duane Alwin, Marcia Carlson, Alberto Palloni, and three reviewers and the editor of Longitudinal and Life Course Studies on before drafts.

Footnotes

¹This research was supported by the National Institutes of Health, Population Research Plant Centre Grant, R24HD041025, as well every bit the center grant to the Center for Demography and Ecology (5R24HD04783).

¹It should be noted, nevertheless, that step-parent investments in not-biological children potentially offset negative outcomes associated with fewer investments from noncustodial, biological parents (Amato, 1993).

ⁱⁱThere are also few deaths to estimate the consequence of parental divorce on bloodshed with much precision. An alternative approach is to group the deceased with those reporting the worst health outcomes at age 50. We do not adopt this strategy considering of the concentration of observed deaths at younger ages and the concomitant lack of information on the intermediate variables leading up to wellness at age 50. Thus, our results are just generalizable to those who survive to age fifty. Unobserved (and thus unknown) deaths are, nonetheless, included in our analysis via multiple imputation, which raises some question nearly our results; although, we accept conducted the aforementioned analyses using only participants observed at age 50 and reached similar conclusions.

³We did explore the utilise of low birth weight, but the inclusion of this variable did not modify the results and was not associated with parental divorce.

⁴We implement multiple imputation by chained equations using the ice command in Stata version 12.1 (Royston & White 2011). All of the variables used in the assay are included in the imputation equations, along with many other measures related to socioeconomic status, wellness, divorce, and the likelihood of missing data (due east.chiliad., the percent of missing data for each instance, and the number of times the cohort fellow member has moved). Additional details are available from the authors upon asking.

⁵The 16 health issues are: asthma or wheezy bronchitis; seasonal or perennial allergic rhinitis; (carbohydrate) diabetes; convulsions, fits, or epileptic seizures; recurrent backache, prolapsed disc, or sciatica; cancer or leukaemia; bug with hearing; bug with eyesight; high blood pressure; migraines; eczema or other skin issues; chronic fatigue syndrome; problems with stomach, bowels, or gall bladder; problems with bladder or kidneys; and cough or bringing upward phlegm.

⁶The concrete performance calibration is based on 10 items inquiring if the cohort member's wellness has limited them in the following activities: (1) vigorous activities such every bit running, lifting heavy objects, or participating in strenuous sports; (2) moderate activities such equally moving a table, pushing a vacuum cleaner, bowling, or playing golf; (3) lifting or carrying groceries; (4) climbing several flights of stairs; (v) climbing ane flight of stairs; (half dozen) bending, kneeling, or stooping; (vii) walking more than one mile; (eight) walking half a mile; (9) walking 100 yards; and (10) bathing or dressing yourself. Responses to each detail are coded with values 0 -- "no, not limited at all"; 50 – "yes, express a little", and 100 – "yep, limited a lot", then the average taken across the items is calculated to provide the value for the physical functioning calibration.

⁷A related question concerns the need to focus on health at age l, as opposed to an before measure of health. In other words, does all of the total consequence of parental divorce on health at historic period fifty operate through health at a younger age? We examine this hypothesis by estimating models that include self-rated health at age 33 as a mediator between parental divorce and our three health measures at age fifty. We observe that amongst males parental divorce has a statistically significantly direct outcome on self-rated health age 50, internet of cocky-rated health at age 33. Similar results agree for the direct issue of parental divorce on low physical performance at historic period 50, net of self-rated wellness at historic period 33, and for males and females.

Contributor Information

Jason R. Thomas, Section of Sociology and Criminology, 211 Oswald Tower, Penn Country University, Country Higher, PA, 16802.

Robin S. Högnäs, Section of Sociology, University of Louisville.

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